用户名: 密码: 验证码:    注册 | 忘记密码?
首页|听力资源|每日听力|网络电台|在线词典|听力论坛|下载频道|部落家园|在线背单词|双语阅读|在线听写|普特网校
您的位置:主页 > 英语能力 > 翻译 > 笔译 > 练习材料 > 政治 >

李光耀去世后的新加坡会是什么样子?

2015-03-24    来源:福布斯    【      美国外教 在线口语培训

李光耀去世后的新加坡会是什么样子?

Singapore Prepares For Life After Lee Kuan Yew
幕后“太上皇”走了,李显龙能否拿出自己的治国之策?

The solemn moment has arrived. In Singapore, it has felt like the entire city state has been mounting a vigil waiting for an inevitable sadness: the passing of the country’s founding father, Lee Kuan Yew. And now, in the last hour, it has happened. He is gone, aged 91.
庄严的时刻已经到来。最近,整个新加坡仿佛都在祈祷和守候,只等待着那个不可避免的悲伤时刻:建国之父李光耀的逝世。现在,这一时刻已经到来。李光耀去世了,享年91岁。

It is hard to think of any other figure who so completely epitomises their country as Lee. I lived in Singapore for seven years and continue to have many Singaporean friends and colleagues active on my various social media accounts; one only has to glance at Facebook or Twitter TWTR +0.04% feeds to sense the extraordinary outpouring of sentiment about Lee. A portrait of the man, drawn through a combination of thousands of tiny renderings of the words “Lee Kuan Yew” in the shape of his face, is doing the rounds, and every status update talks about him. One says: it feels like my father is dying.
很难想象还有什么人能像李光耀这样,彻底成为了整个国家的化身。我在新加坡生活过七年,现在依然有很多新加坡朋友和同事活跃在我的各个社交媒体页面上;只要看一眼Facebook或者Twitter上的发言,你就能感觉到人们对李光耀深切的情感流露。一幅由数千个李光耀英文名字(Lee Kuan Yew)组成的李光耀肖像正在社交媒体上广泛传播,而每一个更新的状态都会谈到他。有人说:感觉就像我的父亲快要不行了一样。

And in a sense, a father is dying, and now has died. Lee was Singapore. Without him, there wouldn’t be one, or not one that remotely resembles it. It has often been said, but bears repeating, that the achievement of Singapore – under Lee’s leadership – is completely without comparison. Look what Lee took on when Singapore was separated from Malaya and became truly independent in 1965. It was too small to grow a meaningful quantity of crops to export, nor even really to sustain a local population. There was no bounty of oil under the ground, no minerals to exploit, no room for palm oil plantations like neighbouring Malaysia and Indonesia. It had two things: British-built infrastructure, and a strategic location. It wasn’t much to work with.
在某种意义上,这样说很贴切,而今,这位父亲已经去世。李光耀就是新加坡的化身。没有他,就不会有新加坡;没有他,这个国家的面貌就会完全不同。有句话人们经常挂在嘴边,但是还是有必要重新提起:新加坡在李光耀的领导下所取得的成就是无可比拟的。看看李光耀刚掌权时的国家面貌吧:那时候,新加坡刚从马来西亚分离出来,在1965年成为了真正意义上的独立国家。这个国家面积是如此之小,无法种植足量的农作物出口,甚至连自给都有困难。地下没有石油和矿产可供开采,地上没有像邻国马来西亚和印度尼西亚那么大的空间来种植油棕榈。它只有两样东西:英国建造的基础设施和战略性的地理位置。没有太多施展空间。

But under Lee’s leadership, Singapore made the transition from third world to first without ever really dallying anywhere in the middle. By the time he handed over the reins as Prime Minister to Goh Chok Tong in 1990 – not that he ever really stepped back from leadership all that much, becoming Senior Minister then and Minister Mentor when his son, Lee Hsien Loong, became Prime Minister in 2004 – Singapore was the archetypal Asian Tiger, the home of some of the best-run companies in Asia, a thriving port, a hub for education, and a place within which the foreigner could rely upon peerless efficiency and a familiar legal code. Singapore’s post-war story is miraculous and it simply wouldn’t have happened without Lee.
但是在李光耀的领导下,新加坡完成了从第三世界向第一世界的飞跃,都没有经历真正意义上的中间阶段。等到1990年,他将总理大权移交给吴作栋之时(此后他从未真正走向幕后,他担任了总理公署高级部长,而后在儿子李显龙于2004年出任总理时担任内阁资政),新加坡曾是最早的“亚洲四小龙”之一,这里聚集了一些亚洲运营最好的公司,成为了一个繁荣的港口和教育中心;在这里,外国人可以仰赖无与伦比的高效率和熟悉的法律规则。新加坡的战后故事充满了奇迹,而如果没有李光耀,这一切根本就不会发生。

But nothing comes for free. Compromises were made in the pursuit of this transformation. Lee led his People’s Action Party to eight consecutive general election victories before stepping down, and his legacy has been a state within which democracy has never really been allowed to flourish, with opposition suppressed and sued. It’s not a place one associates with freedom of speech, and anyone who has lived there and seen the widespread maltreatment of migrant workers (albeit much of it the fault of disgusting cross-border hiring agencies rather than the state itself) cannot help but feel that some compassion was lost along the way. Despite building elite southeast Asian companies like DBS, Singapore Airlines Singapore Airlines and Capitaland, Singapore has nevertheless sometimes struggled to find leaders, because of a national psyche that has been more about obedience and structure than risk-taking, decision-making or innovation.
但是,任何成功都是有代价的。在追寻这种转变的过程中,人们也做出了妥协。在李光耀卸下总理的担子前,他领导人民行动党连续八次赢得了大选。其结果是,民主从未在这个国家里得到真正意义上的蓬勃发展,反对派遭到了镇压和起诉。在人们心目中,这个国家和言论自由扯不上关系,任何在这里生活过并目睹过移民工人受到虐待的人(尽管大部分虐待行径的始作俑者都是恶心的跨境招聘机构,而不是这个国家本身)都会不由自主地认为,在追求发展的过程中人们也变得更冷漠。虽然新加坡造就了星展银行(DBS)、新加坡航空(Singapore Airlines)和凯德(Capitaland)这类亚洲精英企业,但是在这个国家有时候很难找到真正的领袖,因为这个国家的精神更倾向于服从和守序,而不是冒险、决策或者创新。

So what, in practice, will life after Lee look like in Singapore? Although he has been gone from formal power, in the sense of being prime minister, for a quarter of a century, he remained exceptionally influential to the last, and not just because the leader for the last decade has been his son. He was always in the background, commenting, shaping, advising, and with his loss will come a lessening in wisdom for sure, but perhaps a chance for new directions. It is sometimes suggested that Lee Hsien Loong might strike out in bolder ways without his father watching, maybe fostering greater democracy and freedom of expression, seeing in it a demonstration of strength and diversity rather than something to be feared.
那么,李光耀去世以后的新加坡会是什么样子?虽然从担任总理的角度讲,李光耀正式退出权力舞台已有四分之一个世纪

,不过他到最后一刻依然极具影响力,而且这并不仅仅是因为近十年来担任国家领袖的人一直是他的儿子。在他“退位”之后,自始至终都是在幕后指点江山,他的逝世肯定会给领导智慧带来损失,但是同时也会带来走向新方向的机遇。有时候外界会指出,如果没有他父亲的制约,李显龙反而可能放开手脚大干一番,也许会促进更进一步的民主和言论自由,他会将民主和言论自由视为实力和多样性的象征,而不是一种威胁。

Indeed, to an extent, it’s already started happening. Nobody is going to call Singapore a model democracy by any stretch of the imagination, but the fact that an opposition party – the Workers Party – won six of the country’s 87 seats in the 2011 election may one day be looked back upon as a pivotal moment when opposition could finally be expressed without fear of censure. Something similar has been happening to the north in Malaysia, where opposition has – sometimes painfully – found its way into mainstream political life.
实际上,从某种程度上讲,这样的情况已经开始发生。没有人会将新加坡称为模范民主国家,但是在2011年,一个反对党——工人党赢得了该国议会87个席位中的六个,终有一天,人们回首过去,可能会认为这是一个关键性的时刻,它标志着人们终于可以表达反对意见,而不用担心受到责难。类似的事情已经发生在马来西亚北部了,在那里,反对派设法进入了主流政治生活,虽然这个过程有时候充满了痛苦。

On the freedom of speech issue, as a journalist I often found myself to have a freer hand than I expected; I was able to write critically about Temasek, for example, the state sovereign investment fund, without complaint, provided I sought to be fair. Among journalists, the accepted rules were that you didn’t take on the question of the judiciary’s independence or get personal about the Lee family; personally, I only found myself falling foul of the authorities when writing about the treatment of domestic helpers. I won’t be an apologist for a place that has routinely sued some of the world’s most respected publications for expressing a perfectly reasonable position and has ended up with a hopelessly timid local media, but it is true that I have encountered far more vigorous and vicious control of the press in many other places in the region and the world. I have been able to argue to very senior Singaporeans in person that Singapore would be improved, not weakened, by a willingness to accept criticism, in both its political process and its media; and, while often people haven’t agreed, I always fostered the hope that it was only a matter of time until the country accepted a freer press.
作为一名记者,在言论自由的问题上,我经常发现自己比预想中的更自由;比如说,我可以批评新加坡主权投资基金淡马锡(Temasek),而不会遭到投诉,只要我遵循公正原则。在记者当中,公认的规则是不能质疑司法独立或者涉及李氏家族的私人问题;就我个人来说,我只有一次在报道家庭佣工待遇时踩入了当局划定的禁区。我不会为这个国家辩护,因为在这里,世界上最受尊敬的一些出版物经常因为表达完全合理的立场而遭到起诉,而本地媒体也已变得无比胆小。但是,我的确在本地区的其他国家、乃至世界各地目睹过新闻管制比新加坡更活跃、更恶劣的情况。我会当面告诉身居高位的新加坡人,只要愿意接受批评,新加坡的政治进程和媒体都将得到改善,而非削弱;虽然对方往往并不赞同,但是我总是能够燃起希望,认为只要假以时日,这个国家一定会接受更加自由的媒体。

I once had the chance to put exactly that question to Lee Kuan Yew himself at a forum when Singapore hosted the World Bank/IMF annual meetings. I can’t say he was thrilled by the idea – a little disingenuously, he said it was the fault of opposition for not being strong enough, when in fact he had gone out of his way to make sure they could never be strong – but he didn’t seem to mind the question.
在新加坡举行世界银行/国际货币基金组织(World Bank/IMF)年会时,我曾经有机会在一个论坛上向李光耀本人提出这个问题。我不能说他对这个想法感到激动——他的回答有点不那么真诚,他说这得怪反对派不够强大。而事实上,他已极力确保他们永远不会变强——但是他似乎并不介意这个问题。

In any event, Lee junior has been prime minister for a long time now, and is surely as much his own man now as he is ever likely to be. He has complicated challenges to deal with: integrating the huge migrant force that Singapore has called for in order to continue growth; dealing with a frequent local backlash against that idea; working around the problems that come with slower Chinese growth and that country’s shift to a domestic consumption model rather than one based around the international trade that Singapore flourishes on the back of. So Singapore without Lee senior is going to look a lot like the recent years of Singapore with him: just a little sadder, and with the collective feeling of a family member gone.
不管怎样,李显龙已经当了很长一段的总理,现在他如其所愿拥有了自主权。他有着复杂的挑战需要处理:整合新加坡持续增长所需的庞大移民力量;应对本地人在这个问题上经常出现的反对声音;应对中国增长放缓并将经济发展模式从外向型转为内需型所带来的问题,(中国的外向型经济为新加坡走向繁荣提供了基础)。因此,没有了李光耀的新加坡将与近年来他在世时的新加坡有很多相似之处:只是会更哀伤一点,因为全体新加坡人都感受到了失去亲人的沉痛。

inevitable adj. 必然的,不可避免的

epitomise vt. 象征;体现;代表(等于epitomize)

consecutive adj. 连贯的;连续不断的

obedience n. 顺从;服从;遵守

foster v. 养育;哺育

disingenuously adv. 不诚实地

(forbeschina)



顶一下
(2)
100%
踩一下
(0)
0%
手机上普特 m.putclub.com 手机上普特
[责任编辑:elly]
------分隔线----------------------------
发表评论 查看所有评论
请自觉遵守互联网政策法规,严禁发布色情、暴力、反动的言论。
评价:
表情:
用户名: 密码: 验证码:
  • 推荐文章
  • 资料下载
  • 讲座录音
普特英语手机网站
用手机浏览器输入m.putclub.com进入普特手机网站学习
查看更多手机学习APP>>